DĀNESH: The OU Undergraduate Journal of Iranian Studies
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Welcome to the online repository of DĀNESH: The OU Undergraduate Journal of Iranian Studies. We are grateful to Commons@SHAREOK for hosting the journal’s digital platform.
DĀNESH is a peer-reviewed undergraduate journal, edited by a rotating team of OU students. It is published under the auspices of the University of Oklahoma’s Farzaneh Family Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies and the OU College of International Studies. Since its founding in 2016, DĀNESH has been dedicated to highlighting the research of a growing undergraduate program in Iranian Studies at the University of Oklahoma.
The name of the journal, DĀNESH, comes from the Persian word meaning knowledge, learning, and wisdom. We believe this is a fitting name for a journal that seeks to foster deep and compassionate understanding of one of the world’s most culturally rich and historically complex civilizations
Please feel free to browse through the past issues of the journal by clicking on the individual links below.
For questions about the journal, or to join our editorial team, please contact the journal’s faculty advisor, listed below:
Afshin MarashiDirector, Farzaneh Family Chair in Iranian Studies
amarashi@ou.edu
Farzaneh Family Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies:
http://www.ou.edu/content/cis/sponsored_programs/farzaneh-family-center.html
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Undergraduate Open Access Danesh : the OU undergraduate journal of Iranian studies. Volume 4, 2019(2019-10) University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies. Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies.; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesFrom the Editors-in-ChiefUndergraduate Open Access The Alternating Allegiances of the Ulama: Clerical Participation in the Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1905-11(2019-09) Bray, Mathew; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesIn the summer of 1906, a group of theology students and other constitutionalists gathered in Tehran for what was expected to be a peaceful protest in favor of government reforms, a continuation of the nascent Constitutional Revolution. By the end of the first day's protests, a respected sayyed had been shot by police. In response, an even larger crowd of protesters gathered the next day, only for twenty-two of them to be killed in an attack by the Cossacks. Following these gruesome events, almost all of the ulama turned immediately against the Qajar government. Even for those who had been uncertain about Constitutionalism, this direct and inhuman affront to the clerical estate was more than enough to make the current government an enemy. Within days, many of the ulama and their followers had migrated to Qum, leaving the capital without religious leadership and clearly defining their stance on the revolution. In the years to follow members of the secular intelligentsia, merchants, and other reformers would continue to push for constitutional reforms with varying degrees of success; ultimately, though, support from the ulama began to waver as time went on.Undergraduate Open Access Clericalism, Constitutionalism, and Cautiousness: Iran's 1905 Revolution Through the Eyes of Sheikh Fazollah Nuri(2019-08) Waugh, Jake; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesThe summer of 1909 was a summer of retribution. The first target was Mohammad Ali Shah, the Qajar king who had forcefully opposed constitutionalism and was responsible for the bombardment of the Majlis the year prior. After being replaced by his young son and forced to cede much of his property to the government, Mohammad Ali Shah was exiled to Russia in September. Another prominent target was Sheikh Fazollah Nuri, a senior cleric and the monarchy's chief ally among the ulama, whose shared opposition to constitutionalism earned him a swift execution in July of the same year.Undergraduate Open Access Tur and Iraj: Azeri Turks and ‘Persian’ Iran(2019-07) McAbee, Daniel; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesDespite the prominence of the Middle East and Islamic world in Western news media, it is a region that suffers from severe misunderstanding. Out of the countries in those regions, Iran is perhaps the most poorly understood of all. This ignorance extends beyond popular misunderstanding to include policy and scholarly circles. This is evident in Western discussion of ethnicities in Iran, which often results in an inaccurate understanding of the matter. While some of this misunderstanding can be attributed to faults in the West—to Orientalism, to natural hatred and misunderstanding that develop between mutual enemies, and to the inaccurate universalization of Western cultural and social paradigms—Iran's unique history certainly complicates Western perceptions and understandings.Undergraduate Open Access Queer Theology: Theological, Theocratic, and Secular Influences on Iran's Relationship with Transgender Bodies(2019-06) Oberlitner, Adam; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesOn November 13, 2005, the Iranian daily newspaper Kayhan published a story about the public execution of two young men named Mokhtar and Ali. The charge that brought them to the gallows of Shahid Bahonar Square, alleges international advocacy organization Human Rights Watch (HRW), was lavat, a word loosely translated by many as “sodomy,” which refers to criminalized sexual acts between men. As is often the case, the hangings provoked condemnations from such human rights organizations as HRW, but the agitation over these hangings, and several other such cases that year, effected no marked change in policy, neither immediately nor over the course of the following years. There is a widespread Western perception of Iran as viciously anti-queer and without reservation in its anti-queerness—a reputation it continues to cultivate, one might argue, as Amnesty International's 2017-2018 report on the country concludes with “some same-sex conduct [remains] punishable by death.” However, keeping this in mind so as not to trivialize the state-sanctioned violence faced by gay Iranian men and women, this all-encompassing conclusion is short-sighted.Undergraduate Open Access Lingering Effects: U.S. Media and the Case for Nationalism in the Iran Hostage Crisis(2019-05) Eisenmann, Lindsey T.; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesIn his article on legitimacy and the Iran hostage crisis, R. K. Ramazani makes the claim that the hostility at play in foreign relations between Iran and the U.S. comes as a result of the Iran hostage crisis and the events that unfolded between 1979-1981. In 1978 Ayatollah Khomeini, an exiled Iranian Muslim leader, blamed President Carter for the “murderous regime” of Iran's leader, Mohammad Reza Shah. He argued that, in spite of claiming to support freedom, America evidently supported repression. Khomeini also spoke of the Shah as being a puppet of the U.S., which both demonized the U.S. and weakened the Shah at a time when his power was quickly dwindling in Iran. Iranians lived through the oppressive regime of the Shah for years, and the revolution came as people grew tired of the Shah and were eager to see a change in the leadership of Iran. Soon enough, protests began erupting throughout Iran in opposition to the Shah, and the revolution was underway. Khomeini and his followers vied for “freedom from American domination,” which Khomeini believed would occur as a result of the revolution. On January 16, 1979, after months of protests and with no end in sight, the Shah fled Iran, and shortly after on February 1, Ayatollah Khomeini returned from exile to lead the Islamic Revolution and create an Islamic state in Iran.Undergraduate Open Access Fatwas and Feminism: How Iran's Religious Leadership Obstructs Feminist Reforms(2019-04) Asokan, Anu S.; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesIn 2009, a pro-government Basiji militia member shot Neda Agha Soltan in the chest. Neda was a philosophy student who participated in protests against a possibly corrupt election, and her death was the spark that started the Green Movement and increasing protests. As the video of her murder became viral, the foreign media was expelled from Iran. Over 150 well-known reformists and journalists, as well as thousands of demonstrators, were arrested. Throughout the protests, the repercussions, and the government's eventual crushing of the Green Movement, women were at the forefront of activism.Undergraduate Open Access Reworking Westoxification: Jalal Al-e Ahmad’s Original Conception of Westoxification and its Post-Revolutionary Reinvention(2019-03) Crynes, Aubrey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesOn October 19th, 2016, the Islamic Republic of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, posted an image on Instagram that depicts Uncle Sam standing in front of what appears to be a club-like entrance blocked off by red rope with “globalization” scrawled across a sign overhead. The caricature looks harmless enough, until the viewer notices the signs by the door banning the atomic symbol as well as a stylized version of “Allah,” which fit right into Khamenei's (or whichever intern writes his Instagram posts) scathing caption: “Becoming global means giving in to the culture that has been imposed on the economy, politics and security of the world by a few big powers. This is the same as dependence without any difference!” The idea that globalization equates to dependence on larger Western nations is not Khamenei's own. Dependency theorists around the globe have echoed this same warning countless times. In the Persian language, this specific kind of Western- led dependence is often called ‘Gharbzadegi’, which can be translated as weststruck or westoxified.Undergraduate Open Access Post-Revolutionary Iranian Cinema: Unveiling the Reality of Iranian Women under the Islamic Republic(2019-02) Viviani, Jocelyn; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesIn post-revolutionary Iran, cinema became a medium for social critique of the prevailing issues in modern Iranian society. The problems of women under the Islamic Republic became a major focal point in these post-revolutionary Iranian films. After the revolution of 1979, Shi’a Islam reshaped the political and social landscape of Iran. At this critical juncture, the Islamic Republic under the religious authority and guidance of Ayatollah Khomeini was able to consolidate its power through the concept of velayat-e faqih, meaning the “the guardianship of the jurist.” By implementing the concept of velayat-e faqih in its system of government, the regime was able to enforce a political ideology based on its interpretation of Shi’a Islam. As a consequence, the regime’s ideology reshaped the fabric of Iranian society, particularly when it came to the position of women. This political ideology subjected women to the traditional roles of wives and mothers, and further Islamized the image of women through enforced veiling and cultural norms. As the Republic’s ideology began to shape every aspect of Iranian society, the problems of women became more apparent. The topic of women’s issues is significant in that women play an integral role in the social and political trajectory of Iran under the Islamic Republic. Without discussing and contesting the issues of women, political and social change for women in Iran becomes harder to obtain.Undergraduate Open Access Beneath the Surface: How Censorship in Iranian Music Cultivates Identity(2019-01) Pierri, Kristen; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area StudiesWhen listening to music, Iranian’s do not tap their feet or dance; they do not smile or wave or give any indication that they are enjoying the music they are listening to because they are not allowed to. Ayatollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic, compared music to drugs that ruin the realm of seriousness that comes with Islamic culture. He neglected music’s cultural significance outside of the realm of religion, and banned the citizens of Iran from listening to music that provided them excitement. Controlling such personal reactions and behaviors required strict enforcement by the Cultural Revolution Headquarters established in 1981. On top of that, the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance was established to control cultural production, making it very difficult to get music produced that did not fit the criteria established by the Islamic Republic.Undergraduate Open Access DĀNESH : the OU undergraduate journal of Iranian studies. Volume 3, 2018(2018) University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies. Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies.; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesWe are so proud to present to you the third volume of the University of Oklahoma's Undergraduate Journal in Iranian Studies, DĀNESH. Through two editions of the journal we have seen wonderful presentations on varying regional topics, spanning the breadth of history and social strata. In the tradition of the meaning of DĀNESH, or knowledge, we present these articles as an offering to expand the collective dialogue on the understanding of the Iranian and Persian state. We are pleased to have worked on this edition with a group of driven authors to present an edition comprising of submissions focusing on the traditional roots of religion in Iranian society and contemporary issues that Iranians are currently facing.Undergraduate Open Access Exercising Agency: Contesting Cultural Imperialism in the Depiction of Muslim Women(2018) Harth, Julia; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesIn ancient times, the Silk Road brought foreign treasures and precious goods from a distant East to the people of Western Europe, instilling a fascination with the rich and mysterious ‘Orient.’ As colonialism heightened political and economic interaction between the two regions, their cultural exchange increased as well. Traders and travelers returned with items and stories reflecting both the wealth and dissemblance of Eastern society. The introduction of the unfamiliar culture materialized not only in the collection of physical objects, but also in intellectual stimulation with an emerging societal focus on evaluating these differing traditions and customs. In their studies of the Middle East, both academics and artists attempted to capture and convey the exotic culture to Western audiences. However, the inherent power inequity implanted by colonialism sustained notions of cultural superiority in these discourses and representations. As a facet of the imperialist portrayal of the Middle East, the conception of Muslim women's role in society perfectly illustrates this imposition of hegemonic values. Influenced by larger attitudes of ethnocentrism, the depiction of Muslim women reflects a reduced, simplified, and exoticized interpretation of a complex and diverse reality. Ingrained into today's popular visual culture, these stereotypes present a challenge to the capacity of Muslim women to assert their own authority and experience, playing into a global rhetoric of division and degradation. As such, contesting the visual representation of Muslim women as subservient objects of oppression constitutes a rejection of the imperialist narrative of cultural polarization.Undergraduate Open Access Iran's Others through Cinema: Ethnicity and the Politics of Representation in Contemporary Iran(2018) Johnson, Jared; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesWith all the politically issues and social animosity surrounding Iran today, the Islamic Republic has become a focus for international attention and critique, especially if one might watch Fox News on any given evening — that goes for any news outlet for that matter. However, except for the ‘Iran Nuclear Deal’ or their nuclear program, how informed are the majority of Westerners on Iranian affairs or even social concerns? Unfortunately, most press following Iran seems to maintain a negative theme; however, that is not always the case. For instance, just this year in fact, an Iranian indie film, The Salesman (2016), was nominated and won an Oscar for ‘Best Foreign Language Film of 2017’ at America's annual 89th Academy Awards. The film even managed to win multiple awards across the world. Yet, The Salesman is not the only Iranian film to make a splash into Western culture — in 1997, Abbas Kiarostami's Taste of Cherry (1996) was awarded the Palme d'Or at the Cannes Film Festival and A Separation (2011), by the same director of The Salesman, also received tremendous praise throughout Western film festivals in 2012. Thus, if these Iranian national films are increasingly becoming more popular, then what insights may these films yield when it comes to understanding the Islamic Republic?Undergraduate Open Access The Question of Women's Agency in Iranian Cinema(2018) Walker, Alexis; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesTrying to pinpoint individual acts of agency within cinema can be difficult. This is especially true within Iranian cinema because agency takes different forms than viewers would assume. The term agency itself is ambiguous. It often ignores culture completely, operating on a universal Western definition that fails to encapsulate outside experiences that lead to human action. This paper seeks to explore how women are portrayed as their own agents within Iranian cinema. In order to do this, agency must be taken out of its Western context. The reason for this is that people tend to view agency through ethnocentrism, whether intentionally or not, and discount its existence in foreign works. Doing this is extremely dangerous since it marginalizes women even more by allowing the viewer to either dismiss women or to develop a savior complex, looking to rescue the “oppressed.” It also provides a justification for interference that either has no basis or functions on a lack of understanding. This paper will explore the definition of agency, provide a historical overview of women in post-revolutionary Iranian cinema, and discuss several films and the individual acts of agency within them. As I will argue, throughout its post-revolutionary history Iranian cinema has portrayed women as agents in their own right. This is especially evident in films such as Bashu the Little Stranger, Time for Love, The May Lady, and Ten. Although women are depicted as agents in these films, agency manifests itself in unique ways that stand in contrast to a Western conception of the term.Undergraduate Open Access The Value of Virtue: Depictions of Class and Morals in Iranian Cinema(2018) Crynes, Aubrey; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesThe government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is no stranger to cinema's ability to encourage values and moral standards in a society. Since its inception, the Islamic Republic has recognized the power of cinema and, in turn, outsiders have recognized Iranian cinema as a window into a nation that is still shrouded in mystery. Even before the stringent codification of morals by Iran's post-revolutionary government, Iranian cinema offered a glimpse into what both the people and the Shah thought about the society that surrounded them. The Revolution of 1979 championed Iran's mostazafin, or downtrodden, and called upon the masses to lead Iran's future. But as the state began to solidify, the Islamic Republic wrote its values, both civic and moral, into its legal code. State sponsored morality is now the norm for the nation, but with roughly eighty million inhabitants, perfect adherence is not possible. The question then becomes who is best able to bypass the law? While, realistically, Iran's nouveau riche are the ones with the most wiggle room under the law, this is not an image a government for the downtrodden is interested in broadcasting. By observing Iranian cinema, one can see who can break the state sanctioned morality in both action and intent. The Islamic Republic of Iran allows for more moral ambiguity in depictions of its lower classes in cinema in order to create the appearance of giving voice to their struggle. This allowance is apparent when examining Iran's cinema leading up to the revolution, the evolution of cinema under the Islamic Republic, and the way the state allows depictions of moral relativism in modern Iranian cinema.Undergraduate Open Access The Politics of Fashion in the Islamic Republic of Iran(2018) Warrington, Sydney; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesIn the Islamic Republic of Iran, the world's only existing theocracy, the relationship between the state and society cannot exist mutually exclusive of one another, considering that the regime's legitimacy is contingent upon the religiosity of its citizens in order to maintain its national identity. Accordingly, defiance of Iran's conservative norms at the individual level is a threat to the state and must be systematically addressed in order to ensure stability; however, addressing issues of defiance in Iran is defined by a give and take relationship between the government and the people. This relationship manifests in all aspects of the Iranian experience and is most evident in the highly polarized discourse surrounding what constitutes Islamically appropriate dress for women. Upon the Islamic Revolution in 1979 under the supreme rule of Ayatollah Khomeini, Iran implemented new legislation to make veiling mandatory in public for all women in Iran, legitimized by clerics' interpretations of Sharia Law, despite women's initial widespread protests against the hardline conservative rulings thrust upon them. Due to the intrinsically linked nature of the Iranian state and its society, points of contention, such as that of the hijab and its relationship to religious authenticity, are exacerbated. Investigating the evolution of women's fashion trends in relation to the political context is indicative of the convoluted connection between the two.Undergraduate Open Access The Evolution of Gender Equality in Modern Iran(2018) Eisenmann, Lindsey; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesEarlier this fall in Iran, there was a bit of uproar as the Iranian football team faced Syria in Iran. While women were initially able to purchase tickets, they were barred from entering the game and left outside to watch as Syrian women were welcomed into the stadium. This treatment was due to the ongoing law in Iran that does not allow women to be present at male sports games, an attempt to protect both women and Islamic law. It is a law that is often used to criticize the apparent gender inequality in the Islamic Republic. However, shortly after the women were rejected from entering the stadium, many returned in order to protest and give a voice to themselves and the issues of gender segregation in Iran. There are various inequalities present in any government, but with some it may be more obvious, giving other nations a feeling of obligation to speak out about another government's shortcomings. However, it is essential to not focus only on the ways in which the Islamic Republic of Iran goes about suppressing women, as in doing so one would completely ignore all the ways in which women have fought over the decades to be heard, and it also overlooks the steps that the regime has taken for women in the recent years.Undergraduate Open Access Ritual Impurity and the Decline of the Safavid Dynasty(2018) Ball, Caleb; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesThe sixteenth and seventeenth centuries saw the rise of the Safavid dynasty and the establishment of Iran as a stronghold of Shi'a Islam. The body of research on these two centuries of Persian history provides us with a fairly coherent view of the status of religious minorities and their social and economic interactions with Shi'is. The focus of this work will be limited to the concept of najes, or ritual impurity, its application in Shi'a religious law, and its effect on the lives of the ahl al-kitab – People of the Book. I will argue that the application of taboos and restrictive religious laws governing interactions between the ummah and dhimmi populations was unique, or at least original, to the Safavid period, and the relationship between Muslim rulers and dhimmi populations in Iran would never again be the same. The Safavid ulama's focus on this element of Shi'a Sharia had a profound impact on the daily lives of Jews in particular, barring them from particular areas of Islamic society and placing restrictions on their behavior, dress, and economic activity. Manifestations of religious intolerance became more widespread in the advancing years of the Dynasty, which I will argue further weakened Safavid authority and contributed in part to its disintegration. The interpretation and application of religious law in avoidance of najes during the Safavid dynasty was not monolithic, and under each Safavid ruler its emphasis was different. We will explore why this concept came in or out of focus, why the Safavids were unique in their stance on the subject during their time, and how this ideology affected the populations and behavior of religious minorities at different points of Safavid rule.Undergraduate Open Access Ideology and Reality: Afghans in Iran(2018) McAbee, Daniel; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf StudiesThe Islamic Republic of Iran is a revolutionary state which derives its legitimacy on the basis of revolutionary pan-Islamism. Despite this, as the memory of the revolution recedes into the past, Iranian nationalism and commitment to the revolutionary pan-Islamic ideal is fading. As time elapsed, the foundations of the government shifted from those core pan- Islamic beliefs to a more centralized protectorate state, illustrating how the government moved away from the idealism and more towards the traditional roles of the state. Despite the generally repressive nature of the state, some Iranians, especially directors, are able to use film to critique state actions and ideology for goals. An excellent example of cinematography as a social and political critique is Majid Majidi's Baran (2001), a film which highlights the discrepancy between theory and praxis by Iran and the Iranian people, and calls on Iran to act on the idea of Islamic charity and solidarity.Undergraduate Open Access Zoroastrians: Becoming a Minority in Their Homeland(2018) Kepler, Travis; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area StudiesIt is arguable that no other religion has had more direct and indirect influence on humankind than that of the ancient Zoroastrian faith. This religion, which was the firstborn of the revealed world-religions, existed long before it entered recorded history and has ancient, roots in the Bronze Age, reaching as far back as 1500 B.C.E. According to some ancient Greek sources, it could have even originated several thousand years before that. Zoroastrianism has had a large impact on Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, as well as some influence on Buddhism and Gnostic traditions. It even held the status of state religion for three prestigious Iranian empires, spanning well over a millennium. Yet today, many people in the West have never heard of Zoroastrianism. Pockets of Zoroastrians remain in India and Iran, along with even smaller communities sprinkled across the world, but the total number of Zoroastrians left on Earth is estimated to be fewer than 120,000. James Darmesteter has said of the faith: "There has been no other great belief in the world that ever left such poor and meager monuments of its past splendor." Indeed, the primary religion now associated with Zoroastrian's homeland of Persia is Islam, particularly Shi'ism. How did this happen? If Zoroastrianism was already so old and entrenched by the time the Arabs invaded Persia, why did it fade away over the next few centuries while Islam grew and other minority religions endured? This paper will address these questions and more by taking a look at the Zoroastrians from the 8th through the 11th centuries, their relations with the Muslims of that time, how they reacted to Muslim rule, and what factors may have led them to convert, flee, or die fighting for their ancestral religion.