DĀNESH: The OU Undergraduate Journal of Iranian Studies

Permanent URI for this collection

https://hdl.handle.net/11244/329109

Welcome to the online repository of DĀNESH: The OU Undergraduate Journal of Iranian Studies. We are grateful to Commons@SHAREOK for hosting the journal’s digital platform.

DĀNESH is a peer-reviewed undergraduate journal, edited by a rotating team of OU students. It is published under the auspices of the University of Oklahoma’s Farzaneh Family Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies and the OU College of International Studies. Since its founding in 2016, DĀNESH has been dedicated to highlighting the research of a growing undergraduate program in Iranian Studies at the University of Oklahoma.

The name of the journal, DĀNESH, comes from the Persian word meaning knowledge, learning, and wisdom. We believe this is a fitting name for a journal that seeks to foster deep and compassionate understanding of one of the world’s most culturally rich and historically complex civilizations

Please feel free to browse through the past issues of the journal by clicking on the individual links below.

For questions about the journal, or to join our editorial team, please contact the journal’s faculty advisor, listed below:

Afshin Marashi

Director, Farzaneh Family Chair in Iranian Studies

amarashi@ou.edu

Farzaneh Family Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies:

http://www.ou.edu/content/cis/sponsored_programs/farzaneh-family-center.html

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Now showing 1 - 20 of 39

Open Access
Painful desires : the creation of the Iran-Contra affair
(2016) Rosenberger, Heath; Rosenberger, Health; Akhlaghi, Andrew; Gharipour, Elena T.; Bednarek, Ellie; Gellman, Jonah; McCann, Samuel; Siddiqui, Wajeeha; Yoo, Jiyoun; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
The Iran-Contra affair was one of the most significant scandals in 20th century U.S. history. Although the name, Iran-Contra, appears to mainly involve the Islamic Republic and the Nicaraguan rebels, the affair heavily involved the U.S. and Israel. The U.S. provided arms to Iran through Israel and South Korea long before Hezbollah took U.S. citizens hostage.1 Through Israel, the U.S. illegally sold weapons to Iran in the 1980s in order to free U.S. citizens held hostage in Lebanon by Hezbollah. Before the affair even began, all three countries were involved in spawning the event. Israeli and U.S. presence in Lebanon birthed Hezbollah.2
Open Access
Celebrity on the Peacock Throne : Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's superstar portrayal in U.S. popular culture, 1965-1978
(2016) Ennenga, Elizabeth; Ennenga, Elizabeth; Akhlaghi, Andrew; Gharipour, Elena T.; Bednarek, Ellie; Gellman, Jonah; McCann, Samuel; Siddiqui, Wajeeha; Yoo, Jiyoun; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
Foreign policy is not a science; it is an art. The creation of policies, the opinions formed towards other countries, and the relationships between nations are all part of the delicate balance that leads to foreign relations between countries. Within the U.S., foreign policy and international relations are prevalent topics of discussion not only amongst policy specialists, but average citizens as well. Because of this fascination, there is a demand for media coverage on this topic. International issues, more specifically foreign affairs, are common topics covered by news organizations, namely magazines, like Time and Life.
Open Access
Unintended consequences : the impact of sanctions on the Iranian pharmaceutical industry
(2016) Vernon, Elizabeth; Vernon, Elizabeth; Akhlaghi, Andrew; Gharipour, Elena T.; Bednarek, Ellie; Gellman, Jonah; McCann, Samuel; Siddiqui, Wajeeha; Yoo, Jiyoun; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
The United States first imposed sanctions on Iran after a breakdown in diplomatic relations following the end of the 1979 Iranian hostage crisis. Many have debated whether these sanctions have had an actual effect on the Iranian government. While the United States originally imposed unilateral sanctions on Iran, it later collaborated with the European Union and United Nations to put multilateral sanctions on Iran with better success. But while the U.S. has been targeting the Iranian government, these sanctions have also had an impact on the Iranian citizens. While sanctions have been intended to pressure the government to stop or reduce enrichment of uranium, they have also had an impact on the population, particularly in the medical arena. Although the US allows for some exceptions to the sanctions in order to provide Iran with the necessary products for the pharmaceutical and medical industries, sanctions still have a direct impact on patients. As shown by trends in the pharmaceutical industry and by the failed Vienna Agreement in 2009, intended to discuss a fuel swap for the Tehran Research Reactor, the required treatment for about 850,000 patients went unmet.1
Open Access
Operation Eagle Claw : the ramifications of political divisions in U.S. decision-making during the Iranian hostage crisis of 1979-1981
(2016) Bowman, Mary; Bowman, Mary; Akhlaghi, Andrew; Gharipour, Elena T.; Bednarek, Ellie; Gellman, Jonah; McCann, Samuel; Siddiqui, Wajeeha; Yoo, Jiyoun; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
The taking of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran in the fall of 1979 began a long, complicated 444 days of negotiations and frustrations in insuring the return home of the hostages. In early April 1980, President Jimmy Carter came to the decision that diplomatic negotiations were coming to a dead end, and the time had come to act. With this decision, Carter was faced with divisions among some of his key advisors, especially between his hawkish National Security Advisor, Zbiginiew Brzezinski, and his dovish Secretary of State, Cyrus Vance. However, the President made the final call to conduct a rescue mission to free the hostages. Unfortunately, the rescue mission, by the code name Operation Eagle Claw, came to a disastrous end in the Iranian desert. The decision to conduct Operation Eagle Claw led to the resignation of Cyrus Vance, Carter’s loss of the re-election, and the United States’ international credibility being destroyed.
Open Access
Unlikely compromise : a history of the Iran-United States Claim Tribunal, 1981-2015
(2016) Weigant, Patrick; Weigant, Patrick; Gharipour, Elena T.; Bednarek, Ellie; Gellman, Jonah; McCann, Samuel; Siddiqui, Wajeeha; Yoo, Jiyoun; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
The Iran-United States Claims Tribunal was one of the twentieth century’s most important tribunals of international arbitration.1 Furthermore, it stood apart from the likes of the arbitral tribunals following the peace settlements of WWII, in that the parties involved were two hostile states without diplomatic ties.2 To illustrate the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal’s influential place in international law and politics this paper will be broken up into three major sections. First, will be a recount and explanation of how and why the Claims Tribunal came into existence. Second, the internal structuring and the jurisdiction of the Claims Tribunal will be described and explained. Finally, this paper will provide a summary of the Claims Tribunal’s history of operations, with case studies to display how the Tribunal operates and comes to different decisions. By doing so, this paper will show how even two countries that seemingly hate each other can still come to compromising agreements in dire circumstances.
Open Access
an-contradiction : the implications of the arms-for-hostages scandal for U.S.-Iranian relations
(2016) Haddock, Monica; Haddock, Monica; Akhlaghi, Andrew; Gharipour, Elena T.; Bednarek, Ellie; Gellman, Jonah; McCann, Samuel; Siddiqui, Wajeeha; Yoo, Jiyoun; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
The legacy of the Iran-Contra scandal in the United States is irrefutable. Not only did Iran-Contra tarnish the Reagan administration, traumatizing the federal bureaucracy with criminal indictments, but it also exposed “the chronic tension between America’s democratic domestic political system and its nondemocratic national security system.”1 However, its overall repercussions for Iran remain more opaque. This paper seeks to ameliorate this lopsided coverage. This paper will examine the implications of the Iran- Contra affair on U.S.-Iranian relations in response to the following inquiries: Was the ostensible U.S. goal to sustain Iranian moderates merely window dressing? Which factions actually benefited from American military largesse? Was the U.S. responsible for the later political ascendancy of the pragmatists? And how did the conduct of foreign policy proceed afterward?
Open Access
The Church Committee : unveiling the past and unraveling the future
(2016) Hackert, Lisa; Hackert, Lisa; Akhlaghi, Andrew; Gharipour, Elena T.; Bednarek, Ellie; Gellman, Jonah; McCann, Samuel; Siddiqui, Wajeeha; Yoo, Jiyoun; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
The Central Intelligence Agency has long been shrouded in mystery and public speculation. The agency is often cast as the perpetrator of heinous conspiracies perhaps conceived from the public’s imagination or the creativity of Hollywood. The tales of the organization’s involvement in assassinations, wiretapping, and eerie experiments portray the organization as rogue and powerful, acting without restraint. One particularly intriguing story details an attempt to undermine Fidel Castro’s public image by painting his shoes with a shoe polish designed to cause his trademark beard to fall out.1 This may seem like a ridiculous conspiracy theory; however, during the course of the United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (often referred to as the Church Committee) this story was found to be true. The validation of such a story created suspicions in Iran about what other CIA conspiracies, especially those surrounding the 1953 Coup against Mohammed Mossadegh, were also true.2
Open Access
Dānesh : the OU undergraduate journal of Iranian studies. Volume 1, 2016
(The University of Oklahoma, 2016) Marashi, Afshin; Akhlaghi, Andrew; Gharipour, Elena T.; Bednarek, Ellie; Gellman, Jonah; McCann, Samuel; Siddiqui, Wajeeha; Yoo, Jiyoun; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
It is with great pleasure that I introduce this inaugural issue of DĀNESH: The OU Undergraduate Journal of Iranian Studies. The initiative for this journal grew from the hard work and dedication of undergraduate students in the University of Oklahoma’s Iranian Studies Program. In particular, I would like to acknowledge Andrew Akhlaghi (MA 2016) and Elena Gharipour (BA 2016) for their tireless effort in leading this project from its inception, in the spring of 2015, to the publication of this inaugural issue .
Open Access
Who lost Iran? : a critical reassessment of U.S. foreign policy towards Iran, 1953-1979
(2016) Eckenrode, Nicholas; Eckenrode, Nicholas; Akhlaghi, Andrew; Gharipour, Elena T.; Bednarek, Ellie; Gellman, Jonah; McCann, Samuel; Siddiqui, Wajeeha; Yoo, Jiyoun; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
The air was crisp as President Jimmy Carter entered the building. Uncharacteristically cold, even by Iran’s standards. It was New Year’s Eve 1977 and Carter was making his first trip to Iran to continue the long standing relationship between the two countries. Raising his glass, Carter toasted the Shah claiming him to be the one leader in the world he felt to have the most “personal friendship.”1 Carter had been in office just under a year. This was barely enough time for a President to build a relationship strong enough with any leader, let alone one man that took precedence over all others. In reality, Carter had inherited a relationship with the Shah that had begun decades prior—a relationship built on lofty promises, weapons sales, and oil production. The two were dependent on each other.
Open Access
Iran's Others through Cinema: Ethnicity and the Politics of Representation in Contemporary Iran
(2018) Johnson, Jared; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies
With all the politically issues and social animosity surrounding Iran today, the Islamic Republic has become a focus for international attention and critique, especially if one might watch Fox News on any given evening — that goes for any news outlet for that matter. However, except for the ‘Iran Nuclear Deal’ or their nuclear program, how informed are the majority of Westerners on Iranian affairs or even social concerns? Unfortunately, most press following Iran seems to maintain a negative theme; however, that is not always the case. For instance, just this year in fact, an Iranian indie film, The Salesman (2016), was nominated and won an Oscar for ‘Best Foreign Language Film of 2017’ at America's annual 89th Academy Awards. The film even managed to win multiple awards across the world. Yet, The Salesman is not the only Iranian film to make a splash into Western culture — in 1997, Abbas Kiarostami's Taste of Cherry (1996) was awarded the Palme d'Or at the Cannes Film Festival and A Separation (2011), by the same director of The Salesman, also received tremendous praise throughout Western film festivals in 2012. Thus, if these Iranian national films are increasingly becoming more popular, then what insights may these films yield when it comes to understanding the Islamic Republic?
Open Access
The Politics of Fashion in the Islamic Republic of Iran
(2018) Warrington, Sydney; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies
In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the world's only existing theocracy, the relationship between the state and society cannot exist mutually exclusive of one another, considering that the regime's legitimacy is contingent upon the religiosity of its citizens in order to maintain its national identity. Accordingly, defiance of Iran's conservative norms at the individual level is a threat to the state and must be systematically addressed in order to ensure stability; however, addressing issues of defiance in Iran is defined by a give and take relationship between the government and the people. This relationship manifests in all aspects of the Iranian experience and is most evident in the highly polarized discourse surrounding what constitutes Islamically appropriate dress for women. Upon the Islamic Revolution in 1979 under the supreme rule of Ayatollah Khomeini, Iran implemented new legislation to make veiling mandatory in public for all women in Iran, legitimized by clerics' interpretations of Sharia Law, despite women's initial widespread protests against the hardline conservative rulings thrust upon them. Due to the intrinsically linked nature of the Iranian state and its society, points of contention, such as that of the hijab and its relationship to religious authenticity, are exacerbated. Investigating the evolution of women's fashion trends in relation to the political context is indicative of the convoluted connection between the two.
Open Access
Ritual Impurity and the Decline of the Safavid Dynasty
(2018) Ball, Caleb; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies
The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries saw the rise of the Safavid dynasty and the establishment of Iran as a stronghold of Shi'a Islam. The body of research on these two centuries of Persian history provides us with a fairly coherent view of the status of religious minorities and their social and economic interactions with Shi'is. The focus of this work will be limited to the concept of najes, or ritual impurity, its application in Shi'a religious law, and its effect on the lives of the ahl al-kitab – People of the Book. I will argue that the application of taboos and restrictive religious laws governing interactions between the ummah and dhimmi populations was unique, or at least original, to the Safavid period, and the relationship between Muslim rulers and dhimmi populations in Iran would never again be the same. The Safavid ulama's focus on this element of Shi'a Sharia had a profound impact on the daily lives of Jews in particular, barring them from particular areas of Islamic society and placing restrictions on their behavior, dress, and economic activity. Manifestations of religious intolerance became more widespread in the advancing years of the Dynasty, which I will argue further weakened Safavid authority and contributed in part to its disintegration. The interpretation and application of religious law in avoidance of najes during the Safavid dynasty was not monolithic, and under each Safavid ruler its emphasis was different. We will explore why this concept came in or out of focus, why the Safavids were unique in their stance on the subject during their time, and how this ideology affected the populations and behavior of religious minorities at different points of Safavid rule.
Open Access
The Value of Virtue: Depictions of Class and Morals in Iranian Cinema
(2018) Crynes, Aubrey; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies
The government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is no stranger to cinema's ability to encourage values and moral standards in a society. Since its inception, the Islamic Republic has recognized the power of cinema and, in turn, outsiders have recognized Iranian cinema as a window into a nation that is still shrouded in mystery. Even before the stringent codification of morals by Iran's post-revolutionary government, Iranian cinema offered a glimpse into what both the people and the Shah thought about the society that surrounded them. The Revolution of 1979 championed Iran's mostazafin, or downtrodden, and called upon the masses to lead Iran's future. But as the state began to solidify, the Islamic Republic wrote its values, both civic and moral, into its legal code. State sponsored morality is now the norm for the nation, but with roughly eighty million inhabitants, perfect adherence is not possible. The question then becomes who is best able to bypass the law? While, realistically, Iran's nouveau riche are the ones with the most wiggle room under the law, this is not an image a government for the downtrodden is interested in broadcasting. By observing Iranian cinema, one can see who can break the state sanctioned morality in both action and intent. The Islamic Republic of Iran allows for more moral ambiguity in depictions of its lower classes in cinema in order to create the appearance of giving voice to their struggle. This allowance is apparent when examining Iran's cinema leading up to the revolution, the evolution of cinema under the Islamic Republic, and the way the state allows depictions of moral relativism in modern Iranian cinema.
Open Access
Ideology and Reality: Afghans in Iran
(2018) McAbee, Daniel; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies
The Islamic Republic of Iran is a revolutionary state which derives its legitimacy on the basis of revolutionary pan-Islamism. Despite this, as the memory of the revolution recedes into the past, Iranian nationalism and commitment to the revolutionary pan-Islamic ideal is fading. As time elapsed, the foundations of the government shifted from those core pan- Islamic beliefs to a more centralized protectorate state, illustrating how the government moved away from the idealism and more towards the traditional roles of the state. Despite the generally repressive nature of the state, some Iranians, especially directors, are able to use film to critique state actions and ideology for goals. An excellent example of cinematography as a social and political critique is Majid Majidi's Baran (2001), a film which highlights the discrepancy between theory and praxis by Iran and the Iranian people, and calls on Iran to act on the idea of Islamic charity and solidarity.
Open Access
DĀNESH : the OU undergraduate journal of Iranian studies. Volume 3, 2018
(2018) University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies. Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies.; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies
We are so proud to present to you the third volume of the University of Oklahoma's Undergraduate Journal in Iranian Studies, DĀNESH. Through two editions of the journal we have seen wonderful presentations on varying regional topics, spanning the breadth of history and social strata. In the tradition of the meaning of DĀNESH, or knowledge, we present these articles as an offering to expand the collective dialogue on the understanding of the Iranian and Persian state. We are pleased to have worked on this edition with a group of driven authors to present an edition comprising of submissions focusing on the traditional roots of religion in Iranian society and contemporary issues that Iranians are currently facing.
Open Access
Exercising Agency: Contesting Cultural Imperialism in the Depiction of Muslim Women
(2018) Harth, Julia; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies
In ancient times, the Silk Road brought foreign treasures and precious goods from a distant East to the people of Western Europe, instilling a fascination with the rich and mysterious ‘Orient.’ As colonialism heightened political and economic interaction between the two regions, their cultural exchange increased as well. Traders and travelers returned with items and stories reflecting both the wealth and dissemblance of Eastern society. The introduction of the unfamiliar culture materialized not only in the collection of physical objects, but also in intellectual stimulation with an emerging societal focus on evaluating these differing traditions and customs. In their studies of the Middle East, both academics and artists attempted to capture and convey the exotic culture to Western audiences. However, the inherent power inequity implanted by colonialism sustained notions of cultural superiority in these discourses and representations. As a facet of the imperialist portrayal of the Middle East, the conception of Muslim women's role in society perfectly illustrates this imposition of hegemonic values. Influenced by larger attitudes of ethnocentrism, the depiction of Muslim women reflects a reduced, simplified, and exoticized interpretation of a complex and diverse reality. Ingrained into today's popular visual culture, these stereotypes present a challenge to the capacity of Muslim women to assert their own authority and experience, playing into a global rhetoric of division and degradation. As such, contesting the visual representation of Muslim women as subservient objects of oppression constitutes a rejection of the imperialist narrative of cultural polarization.
Open Access
The Evolution of Gender Equality in Modern Iran
(2018) Eisenmann, Lindsey; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies
Earlier this fall in Iran, there was a bit of uproar as the Iranian football team faced Syria in Iran. While women were initially able to purchase tickets, they were barred from entering the game and left outside to watch as Syrian women were welcomed into the stadium. This treatment was due to the ongoing law in Iran that does not allow women to be present at male sports games, an attempt to protect both women and Islamic law. It is a law that is often used to criticize the apparent gender inequality in the Islamic Republic. However, shortly after the women were rejected from entering the stadium, many returned in order to protest and give a voice to themselves and the issues of gender segregation in Iran. There are various inequalities present in any government, but with some it may be more obvious, giving other nations a feeling of obligation to speak out about another government's shortcomings. However, it is essential to not focus only on the ways in which the Islamic Republic of Iran goes about suppressing women, as in doing so one would completely ignore all the ways in which women have fought over the decades to be heard, and it also overlooks the steps that the regime has taken for women in the recent years.
Open Access
The Question of Women's Agency in Iranian Cinema
(2018) Walker, Alexis; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies
Trying to pinpoint individual acts of agency within cinema can be difficult. This is especially true within Iranian cinema because agency takes different forms than viewers would assume. The term agency itself is ambiguous. It often ignores culture completely, operating on a universal Western definition that fails to encapsulate outside experiences that lead to human action. This paper seeks to explore how women are portrayed as their own agents within Iranian cinema. In order to do this, agency must be taken out of its Western context. The reason for this is that people tend to view agency through ethnocentrism, whether intentionally or not, and discount its existence in foreign works. Doing this is extremely dangerous since it marginalizes women even more by allowing the viewer to either dismiss women or to develop a savior complex, looking to rescue the “oppressed.” It also provides a justification for interference that either has no basis or functions on a lack of understanding. This paper will explore the definition of agency, provide a historical overview of women in post-revolutionary Iranian cinema, and discuss several films and the individual acts of agency within them. As I will argue, throughout its post-revolutionary history Iranian cinema has portrayed women as agents in their own right. This is especially evident in films such as Bashu the Little Stranger, Time for Love, The May Lady, and Ten. Although women are depicted as agents in these films, agency manifests itself in unique ways that stand in contrast to a Western conception of the term.
Open Access
Zoroastrians: Becoming a Minority in Their Homeland
(2018) Kepler, Travis; Standley, Corey; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Ball, Caleb; Hare, Jesse; Nazari, Jessamine; Pugh, Michael; Stafford, Ciera; Warrington, Sydney; Afshin, Marashi; Manata, Hashemi; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
It is arguable that no other religion has had more direct and indirect influence on humankind than that of the ancient Zoroastrian faith. This religion, which was the firstborn of the revealed world-religions, existed long before it entered recorded history and has ancient, roots in the Bronze Age, reaching as far back as 1500 B.C.E. According to some ancient Greek sources, it could have even originated several thousand years before that. Zoroastrianism has had a large impact on Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, as well as some influence on Buddhism and Gnostic traditions. It even held the status of state religion for three prestigious Iranian empires, spanning well over a millennium. Yet today, many people in the West have never heard of Zoroastrianism. Pockets of Zoroastrians remain in India and Iran, along with even smaller communities sprinkled across the world, but the total number of Zoroastrians left on Earth is estimated to be fewer than 120,000. James Darmesteter has said of the faith: "There has been no other great belief in the world that ever left such poor and meager monuments of its past splendor." Indeed, the primary religion now associated with Zoroastrian's homeland of Persia is Islam, particularly Shi'ism. How did this happen? If Zoroastrianism was already so old and entrenched by the time the Arabs invaded Persia, why did it fade away over the next few centuries while Islam grew and other minority religions endured? This paper will address these questions and more by taking a look at the Zoroastrians from the 8th through the 11th centuries, their relations with the Muslims of that time, how they reacted to Muslim rule, and what factors may have led them to convert, flee, or die fighting for their ancestral religion.
Open Access
Beneath the Surface: How Censorship in Iranian Music Cultivates Identity
(2019-01) Pierri, Kristen; Kuyon, Kayleigh; Standley, Corey; Oberlitner, Adam; Nazar, Jessamine; Progler, Chris; Albrecht, Emma; Kayali, Sarah; Ashbaker, Bailey; Keaton, Joni; Farzaneh Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies; University of Oklahoma. College of International Studies. Department of International and Area Studies
When listening to music, Iranian’s do not tap their feet or dance; they do not smile or wave or give any indication that they are enjoying the music they are listening to because they are not allowed to. Ayatollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic, compared music to drugs that ruin the realm of seriousness that comes with Islamic culture. He neglected music’s cultural significance outside of the realm of religion, and banned the citizens of Iran from listening to music that provided them excitement. Controlling such personal reactions and behaviors required strict enforcement by the Cultural Revolution Headquarters established in 1981. On top of that, the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance was established to control cultural production, making it very difficult to get music produced that did not fit the criteria established by the Islamic Republic.