Two Towns, Multiple Places: Race and Identity on the Early Republic's Frontier

Abstract

In order for us to understand and reconceptualize race in the early republic, we ought to examine the symbiotic relationship between Prophetstown and Vincennes during the first two decades of the nineteenth century. The relationship between these two communities in Indiana Territory was not one defined primarily by racial ideologies. Though historians have often characterized both settlements as diametrically opposed, the settlements were in fact faction-ridden, making the relationship between the two more a relationship of factions rather than races. Vincennes and Prophetstown serve as an excellent example in understanding the regional, and even local, variations within racial constructs. Though racial ideologies imply a hierarchy on a global scale, racial relationships are often not constant and differ by time and place. Local and regional variables are as important to the construction and use of race as are ideologies. Race relations were not the primary reason for armed conflict between Prophetstown and Vincennes at Tippecanoe in November of 1811. Divided by internal factionalism, each town looked toward the other as a means to vocalize and address its own internal debates. Contrary to the usual arguments, neither town united behind a racial identity nor attacked the other in order to protect their community. When analyzed closely, it becomes apparent that the Shawnee Prophet (Tenskwatawa) and the governor of Indiana Territory (William Henry Harrison) used racial rhetoric to unite their factionalized towns. This rhetoric has overshadowed the multiplicity of peculiar connections (debates over unfree labor, biased Indian agents, Indian manipulating the Americans) and interests that pushed the towns toward conflict. The bloodshed that erupted between the two communities at the Battle of Tippecanoe in 1811 was a product of various issues complicated by the interests of Indian and European American cultures. The inhabitants of both communities found themselves in opposition because of the peculiar and often highly complicated methods through which they dealt with the factionalism in their towns.

Most historians have adopted a racial perspective when analyzing the relationship between Prophetstown and Vincennes because they have focused so heavily on Tenskwatawa rather than his town. They concentrate on the Prophet's distaste for European Americans rather than delve deeply into his religious beliefs and the relationships he fostered within his town. When historians have discussed the Prophet's teachings, they often do so without fully considering the motives of Tenskwatawa's supporters. These depictions state that the Prophet not only constructed a unified town dedicated to the revitalization of Indian culture but that he also commanded a large army of Indian warriors devoted to destroying the Americans. This characterization ignores the ways in which his supporters continued to challenge and frustrate Tenskwatawa's efforts to centralize authority over disparate Indian communities. When historians used the Prophet's racial rhetoric as proof of unity, they overlooked the fact that his words were a reaction to disunity at Prophetstown. Characterizations of a united Prophetstown were in fact a product of historical interpretations that have not considered three important factors: the historical context of the Wabash-Maumee Valley, the factionalism that was rife throughout the valley, and the complicated relationships within Vincennes and Prophetstown.

The tendency of American Indians and European Americans to resist racial and ethnic unification after 1800 was no where more apparent than at Prophetstown and Vincennes. The atmosphere in both towns was heavily racist, but the behavior of the people living in both towns was often not so. One could spend a day at Prophetstown and hear Tenskwatawa and his brother Tecumseh deliver lengthy diatribes about how Indians and European Americans had been created separately and how European American culture was undermining and destroying Indian kind. Yet, after hearing Tenskwatawa's speeches, many of the Indians at Prophetstown ignored his stipulations and acted in a fashion that threatened the racial vision embodied by Prophetstown. The town of Vincennes was quite similar in many respects. Weekly newspaper sermons published by the ever-paranoid Elihu Stout announced the diabolical plans of the nearby Indians who hoped to destroy Vincennes. Governor Harrison paraded the militia around town to emphasize the threat posed by the Prophet's forces. Nonetheless, residents of Vincennes willingly aided the Indians throughout the region in order to protect their cultural and national identities. It was impossible for anyone to escape the racial dialogues and hatreds present in both towns, but it was relatively easy for both Indians and European Americans to circumvent the issue.

Life in the Wabash-Maumee Valley was too complicated for people to rely on a hard-and-fast system of racial classification. Racial ideology rests on a simplistic notion that humans originated from separate creations, but identities in the Wabash-Maumee Valley were often contingent on a variety of relationships unrelated to racial histories. Few residents thought racial theory would improve their lives. Harrison's and Tenskwatawa's efforts to rework territorial relationships proved impossible because they had to convince their supporters that their racial vision was the best possible means to promote peace, economic development, and political progress. While racial violence did erupt periodically in the valley, it was largely due to the intra-community factionalism at Prophetstown and Vincennes. Most communities were unable to reconcile the racial rhetoric of their leaders with the practical realities of life.